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- Api Std 620 Free DownloadIn Discussion ·March 31, 2023Api Std 620 Free Download CLICK HERE https://tiurll.com/2temAt The documentation set for this product strives to use bias-free language. For the purposes of this documentation set, bias-free is defined as language that does not imply discrimination based on age, disability, gender, racial identity, ethnic identity, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, and intersectionality. Exceptions may be present in the documentation due to language that is hardcoded in the user interfaces of the product software, language used based on RFP documentation, or language that is used by a referenced third-party product. Learn more about how Cisco is using Inclusive Language. 153554b96e https://www.truththereason.com/forum/untitled-category-1/waiting-on-the-world-to-change-mp3-download-new https://www.maislingua.com.br/forum/conversation-club/allah-meharban-to-gadha-pahelwan-movie-songs-hd-1080p https://www.wallysgarden.com/forum/plant-forum/lolita-kid-cp-pics004
- Bogle On Mutual Funds Ebook 23In Discussion ·April 3, 2023Bogle On Mutual Funds Ebook 23 Download ===== https://urlgoal.com/2tizAt I. INVESTMENT STRATEGIES FOR THE INTELLIGENT INVESTOR, focused on the returns, risks, and costs borne by participants in our stock and bond markets; and the selection of equity and bond mutual funds, with a focus on index funds. II. TAKING ON THE MUTUAL FUND INDUSTRY, describing past trends and future prospects for the now-giant fund industry, including a discussion of the proper role of mutual funds in the corporate governance of the companies in which they invest. (Hint: I didn't much like what I saw happening in the industry.) Turning to the mutual fund industry, I described its doughnut-like character: In its frenetic search for sweet, fattening returns, it levied heavy sales charges, charged excessive fees, spent too much on marketing, and failed to share the economies of scale with its investors. Taking into account those direct costs, and adding the indirect costs incurred by funds (transaction costs on high portfolio turnover), and the extra taxes that funds inflicted on fund shareholders, I calculated a performance lag of 5.7 percent per year over the previous 15 years. Stock market annual return, 18 percent; net annual return of the doughnut-like equity funds, 12.3 percent. This huge disparity made it easy to forecast that, in the years ahead, the actively-managed mutual fund doughnuts will find themselves in a bad way.And so it was to be. The share of the doughnut-like active equity funds plummeted from 99 percent of U.S. equity fund assets in 1984 to 67 percent in 2015. The share of bagel-like passive indexers has increased from 1 percent to an all-time high of 33 percent. Case closed. But the meat of my impassioned remarks: corporate governance and shareholder value issues in the mutual fund industry itself. Given the deeply-flawed governance system of mutual funds themselves, people who live in glass houses shouldn't throw stones. . . . We may not mind being the artillery of shareholder activism, but we don't want to be its target. Linking my themes of shareholder value, institutional ownership, and the structure of the mutual fund industry, I noted the obvious: Because of the heavy costs involved in fund ownership (and ultimately, the ownership of the stock market itself), \"the failure of mutual funds to earn their own cost of capital is inevitable.\" The fact is that Vanguard's economics, like Wilson's, were in important measure, shaped by idealism. For what distinguishes Vanguard from the typical business enterprise is our mission: To place the interest of our investors before our own commercial interests. Our truly mutual mutual fund structure is unique in the fund industry: The funds' management is controlled by the fund shareholders, not by an outside management company, and is operated on an at-cost basis, not for a hefty management fee. Industry Growth. When I wrote my thesis in 1951, mutual funds were but an afterthought in financial circles. Compared with the massive amounts of money invested in life insurance ($63 billion) and U.S. savings bonds ($58 billion), mutual funds were tiny. While I described the great opportunity for mutual funds to grow in importance, the industry has become even more dominant than I could have dreamed. Today, the mutual fund industry is America's largest financial institution, holding some $15 trillion of investor assets. Shareholders First. I am no less idealistic today than I was as an undergraduate. I still believe that mutual funds should exist primarily to serve their shareholders. As I said in the conclusion to the thesis, mutual funds should serve the needs both of individual and institutional investors . . . serve them in the most efficient, honest, and economical way possible. . . . Providing advantages to the investor . . . is the function around which all others are satellite. The Index Fund. While almost a quarter century would pass from the time that I wrote my thesis until I created the world's first index mutual fund, I hinted in the thesis at the powerful idea of indexing. After presenting data comparing the returns of the (then) Standard & Poor's 90-Stock Average to those of some of the leading mutual funds of the day, I concluded, funds can make no claim to superiority over the market averages. Those ideal characteristics of mutual funds are well along the road to realization; five pretty solid hits. But I also made at least three significant errors, setting forth expectations that the industry has failed to realize. Fund Costs. I predicted that future industry growth can be maximized by concentration on a reduction of sales charges and management fees. But fund costs have soared to far higher levels than those of the early 1950s. Managers have arrogated the staggering economies of scale in the field of money management to themselves rather than to their fund shareholders. Vanguard alone took heed. Since our founding in 1974, Vanguard's truly mutual structure has allowed us to continually slash both the advisory fees and operating costs that our shareholders incur. And in 1977, we eliminated all sales loads on our funds. Corporate Governance. I was optimistic that the fund industry would come to serve as an effective counterbalance to corporate managers who lavish excessive compensation and perquisites on themselves at the expense of shareholders. I seconded the SEC's hope that mutual funds would serve the useful role of representative of the great number of inarticulate and ineffective individual owners. I also suggested that the industry not refrain from exerting its influence . . . on corporate policy. Alas, mutual funds have almost completely abdicated their role as corporate America's watchdogs. Fund directors, as I noted earlier (à la Warren Buffett) were expected by federal regulators to behave as Dobermans, but they have behaved as tail-wagging Cocker Spaniels. John Bogle didn't invent the business of mutual investment funds. They had started before he went to college, but were barely visible. His curiosity about the business was piqued by an article in a magazine as he was ruminating about a thesis topic. That bit of serendipity led not only to an honors thesis but to a lifelong vocation. All of us dependent on mutual funds or other collective investment institutions to manage our savings, and that is most of us, owe thanks to John Bogle for insisting that our interests be placed front and center. Paul Merriman is a nationally recognized authority on mutual funds, index investing, asset allocation and both buy-and-hold and active management strategies. Now retired from Merriman, the Seattle-based investment advisory firm he founded in 1983, he is dedicated to educating investors, young and old, through weekly articles at Marketwatch.com, and via free eBooks, podcasts, articles, recommendations for mutual funds, ETFs, 401(k) plans and more, at his website. John Bogle - founder of the Vanguard Mutual Fund Group and creator of the first index mutual fund - is an industry pioneer. Over the years, he has single-handedly transformed the mutual fund business, and today, his vision continues to inspire investors .It has been over a decade since the original edition of Common Sense on Mutual Funds was first published. While much has changed during this time, the importance of investing and the issues addressed in the original edition of this book have not. Now, in the Fully Updated 10th Anniversary Edition of Common Sense on Mutual Funds, Bogle returns to update his in-depth look at mutual funds and the business of investing - helping you navigate through the staggering array of investment options found in today's evolving investment landscape. Timely and timeless, this important audiobook examines the fundamentals of mutual fund investing in turbulent market environments and offers valuable guidance for building an investment portfolio. Along the way, Bogle shows you that simplicity and common sense still trump costly complexity, and that a low cost, broadly diversified portfolio continues to be the best way to build wealth at the lowest cost and risk - and will almost always outperform more expensive, actively managed mutual funds.Throughout, Bogle skillfully presents a platform for intelligent investing as he analyzes costs, exposes tax inefficiencies, and warns of the mutual fund industry's conflicting interests. Trying to outwit the market is a bad gamble. If you're serious about investing for the long run, you have to take a no-nonsense, businesslike approach to your portfolio. In addition to covering all the basics, this new edition of All About Asset Allocation includes timely advice on learning which investments work well together and why, selecting the right mutual funds and ETFs, creating an asset allocation that's right for your needs, knowing how and when to change an allocation, and understanding target-date mutual funds. The former Vanguard Chief Executive, Bogle has long been mutual funds' most outspoken critic; in this classic book, he provides guidance on what you should and shouldn't believe when it comes to mutual funds, along with the story of persistence and perseverance that led to this seminal work. You'll learn the differences between common stock, bond, money market, and balanced funds, and why a passively managed \"index\" fund is a smarter investment than a fund managed by someone making weighted bets on individual securities, sectors, and the economy. Bogle reveals the truth behind the advertising, the mediocre performance, and selfishness, and highlights the common mistakes many investors make. John C. Bogle (Bryn Mawr, PA) is Founder of The Vanguard Group, Inc., and President of the Bogle Financial Markets Research Center. He created Vanguard in 1974 and served as Chairman and Chief Executive Officer until 1996 and Senior Chairman until 2000. He had been associated with a predecessor company since 1951, immediately following his graduation from Princeton University, magna cum laude in Economics. The Vanguard Group is one of the two largest mutual fund organizations in the world. Headquartered in Malvern, Pennsylvania, Vanguard comprises more than 100 mutual funds with current assets totaling about $742 billion. Vanguard 500 Index Fund, the largest fund in the group, was founded by Mr. Bogle in 1975. In 2004, TIME magazine named Mr. Bogle as one of the world's 100 most powerful and influential people, and Institutional Investor presented him with its Lifetime Achievement Award. In 1999, FORTUNE designated him as one of the investment industry's four \"Giants of the 20th Century.\" In the same year, he received the Woodrow Wilson Award from Princeton University for distinguished achievement in the nation's service.\" 153554b96e https://www.bout2pullup.com/forum/music/lop-hoc-sap-2000-free-download-full-version https://ne.rippleeffect180.org/group/ripple-effect-180-group/discussion/d4dd469f-939f-4cda-ac26-12302861a4c8 https://www.lovelivingwell.net/forum/welcome-to-the-forum/studio-v5-logomaker-4-0-portable007
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- Toward A Cartoonist Manifesto!In Discussion ·April 1, 2023Toward A Cartoonist Manifesto! Toward A Cartoonist Manifesto! >> https://urluso.com/2tfXk4 The manifesto suggested reforms in three core areas: the civil rights and freedoms of all people; elections for a State Duma with a universal franchise; and the operation of the Duma as the body through which all state laws must pass. On the political margins, however, the manifesto was viewed as a concession rather than a serious reform. For Marxists, it marked the gradual transition from feudal tsarism to bourgeois parliamentary democracy. Our manifesto sets out practical solutions which can restore the natural world and at the same time improve our daily quality of life. It is a ten-year challenge because it will take more than one government to deliver the scale of change that is needed. We will not make the necessary leap if we see it as a divisive issue between rural and urban Ireland, or between young and old or if we turn it into a fight between traditional political factions. This manifesto details practical solutions that redress the damage done to our natural world and make Ireland a better, fairer place to live, with clean energy, cheap and accessible public transport and thriving rural communities. Every person and every place matters in making this a fair process and a just transition. Many historians and contemporaries have blamed the stubborn, inexperienced, and mentally unstable monarch for the repeated British miscalculations and mistakes that led to the independence of the United States. Certainly George III displayed no creativity or imagination in the formulation of policies toward the British colonies in America. Our manifesto explores and provides tangible actions for businesses to reach the ambition of a just transition. A transition for a fair and inclusive journey to a net zero, resilient future where people and nature thrive. In the final days of the campaign, the immensely popular President Eisenhower began a speaking tour on behalf of Republican candidates. Several key states seemed to shift toward Nixon, and by Election Day pollsters were declaring the election a toss-up. These principles form the foundation of both an agenda for America in the year 2000 and this platform for our party. They point us toward reforms in government, a restoration of timeless values, and a renewal of our national purpose. The question is \"Are our schools better off now than they were eight years ago\" At a time of remarkable economic growth, when a world of opportunity awaits students who are prepared for it, American colleges and universities are offering remedial courses and American businesses are unable to find enough qualified or trainable workers to meet the demand. Worst of all, so many of our children, America's most precious asset, are headed toward failure in school, and that will hold them back throughout their lives. Republicans desire a better result. We believe that every child in this land should have access to a high quality, indeed, a world-class education, and we're determined to meet that goal. Qualified teachers are the vanguard of education reform. With mastery of their subjects, a contagious enthusiasm for learning, and a heartfelt commitment to their students, they can make any school great. That is why we advocate merit pay for them and expanded opportunities for professional development. Today, however, many teachers face danger and disrespect in the classroom, and their efforts to maintain order are hampered by the threat of litigation. We propose special legal protection for teachers to shield them from meritless lawsuits. We advocate a zero-tolerance policy toward all students who disrupt the classroom and we reaffirm that school officials must have the right and responsibility to appropriately discipline all students, including students with disabilities, who are disruptive or violent. Toward the same end, we will encourage faith-based and community organizations to take leading roles in after-school programs that build character and improve behavior. We propose to improve teacher training and recruiting by expanding the Troops-to-Teachers program, which places retired military personnel in the classroom, and by rewarding states that enact a system for teacher accountability. We will expand teacher loan-forgiveness to encourage qualified candidates to serve in high-need schools. As a matter of fairness, we will establish a teacher tax deduction to help defray the out-of-pocket teaching expenses so many good home, private, and public school teachers make to benefit their students. In the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), the Congress required that every community in the country provide a free and appropriate education for all students with special needs and fund their schooling at higher levels. In return, the federal government promised to pay 40 percent of the average per pupil expenditure to cover the excess costs. During all the years the Democrats controlled Congress that was not done. It was congressional Republicans who took the first real strides toward fulfillment of the IDEA promise. We applaud them for recognizing that federal mandates must include federal funding. We will strive to promote the early diagnosis of learning deficiencies. Preventive efforts in early childhood should reduce the demand for special education and help many youngsters move beyond the need for IDEA's protections. The entire nation has suffered from the administration's virtual surrender in the war against drugs, but children in poor communities have paid the highest price in the threat of addiction and the daily reality of violence. Drug kingpins have turned entire neighborhoods into wastelands and ruined uncounted lives with their poison. The statistics are shocking. Since 1992, among 10th graders, overall drug use has increased 55 percent, marijuana and hashish use has risen 91 percent, heroin use has gone up 92 percent, and cocaine use has soared 133 percent. Not surprisingly, teen attitudes toward drug abuse have veered sharply away from disapproval. With abundant supplies in their deadly arsenal, drug traffickers are targeting younger children, as well as rural kids. We call for state and local efforts to help the more than two million children of prisoners through pre-schools, mentoring, and family rebuilding programs. These children are often the ignored victims of crime. Early intervention in their plight is essential to reduce the cycle of violence and to save a child. We should be tough on criminals but compassionate toward our children. Our goal is to ensure that women with problem pregnancies have the kind of support, material and otherwise, they need for themselves and for their babies, not to be punitive towards those for whose difficult situation we have only compassion. We oppose abortion, but our pro-life agenda does not include punitive action against women who have an abortion. We salute those who provide alternatives to abortion and offer adoption services, and we commend congressional Republicans for expanding assistance to adopting families and for removing racial barriers to adoption. The impact of those measures and of our Adoption and Safe Families Act of 1997 has been spectacular. Adoptions out of foster care have jumped forty percent and the incidence of child abuse and neglect has actually declined. We second Governor Bush's call to make permanent the adoption tax credit and expand it to $7,500. Wherever it is environmentally responsible to do so, we will promote market-based programs that are voluntary, flexible, comprehensive, and cost-effective. The Endangered Species Act (ESA), for example, is sometimes counter-productive toward its truly important goal of protecting rare species, 75 percent of which are located on private land. Its punitive approach actually encourages landowners to remove habitat to avoid federal intervention. This serves as a disincentive for private landowners to do more to restore habitat and become private stewards of wildlife. The legislation needs incentive-based cooperation among federal, state, local, and tribal governments, and private citizens. The result will be a more effective ESA that better protects wildlife diversity. Results will take time, and so, looking toward the Farm Bill of the year 2002, we call for immediate action on a safety net that will give farmers the means to manage cyclical downturns. This year's reform of the Federal Crop Insurance Act by the Republican Congress was a good start. In its wake, we propose: Emergency assistance to facilitate the transition to a market-driven regime. Few nations in history have been granted such a singular opportunity to shape the future. Even after World War II the United States had to reckon with a divided world and terrible dangers. Now America can help mold international ideals and institutions for decades to come. Handed the torch by generations that won great battles, our generation of Americans with its allies and friends can build a different and better world, promoting U.S. interests and principles, avoiding the economic convulsions and perilous conflicts that so scarred the century just past. Through a distinctly American internationalism, a new Republican president will build public support for a new strategy that can lead the United States of America toward a more peaceful and prosperous world for us, our children, and future generations. In a time of fluid change and uncertainty, intelligence is truly America's first line of defense. The current administration has weakened that defense by allowing a series of shocking security breaches, from blatant espionage and its virtual abandonment of national security-related export controls, to sheer sloppiness at the highest levels of government. This must stop, immediately. Nor should the intelligence community be made the scapegoat for political misjudgments. 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